Even if Delhi’s self-declared chief minister for four months, Atishi, had not begun her stint with a video statement drawing parallels between her “pain” and that of the mythological Bharat when Lord Ram embarked on a 14-year-long exile, I would have still begun this piece by recalling the episode of his sandals (or its mythical alternative) being placed on the throne by Bharat while “ruling” from sidelines. The new, duly sworn in CM may not have secured a chappal, or any other footwear, from Arvind Kejriwal, but she has equally melodramatically chosen to keep the CM’s official chair vacant and propped herself on one relatively less imperial. Even if Atishi had not spelt it out, it was clear that the entire episode of Mr Kejriwal’s resignation is being showcased as an act of political moralism and she assumed charge only because a remote device could not be placed on the chair. Atishi’s camera act has not just projected Mr Kejriwal as the “eventual” CM, she has also perhaps safeguarded her position from detractors within the Aam Aadmi Party would might have otherwise felt belittled for being overlooked despite their longer history with Mr Kejriwal. Any threat to her position would arise only after the election, which if won by the AAP, would reopen the entire question of the chief ministership. This issue will arise because it is unlikely that the Supreme Court’s order preventing Mr Kejriwal from performing his duties as CM will be vacated before the cases against him are disposed of. And this is not going to happen anytime soon, given the Centre’s desire to drag these cases for long in the hope of eventually securing evidence which can secure his conviction. In the meantime, Atishi has to display tact to be an effective CM and also get past the uncooperative lieutenant-governor, Vinai Kumar Saxena.
The BJP and the Congress Party predictably criticised Atishi’s act. One set of leaders said that by sitting adjacent to an empty chair, the new CM would gravely “insult” constitutional norms and that the government under her will be little but a remote-control regime.
Another lot stated she is the “new Manmohan Singh”, to perpetuate the myth that the former Prime Minister acted solely on instructions issued from 10 Janpath. The Congress Party also said that she is little but a “dummy” CM. Others argued that Atishi’s statement deepens the cult of personality around Mr Kejriwal and that it is becoming so similar to the party which the AAP wants to defeat. But, the BJP as well as the Congress, at various times, have had chief ministers who were or are little but proxies. Prior to the BJP’s emergence as the principal party of governance in 2014, it was noted for strong satraps. Prime Minister Narendra Modi rose to this position on the strength of being chief minister of Gujarat. But, once he made the transition to the Centre, he ensured that no one in the party, from any state, rose to the stature he enjoyed. As a result, from the time of the first state — Maharashtra in 2014 — where the BJP secured a majority (along with allies occasionally), to the last instance when the party appointed CMs in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan in December 2023, the leaders selected as CMs made even local journalists reach out for Wikipedia. Likewise, the Congress under Indira Gandhi made so frequent changes in the CMs in Andhra Pradesh that the party not just lost power in 1983 as a consequence, but also led R.K. Laxman to draw one of his celebrated cartoons where the caricatured figure of the PM asks the dhoti-kurta and Gandhi cap-clad man his name after having informed him that she had selected him for the job.
Although the AAP’s transition from a party propelled by idealism to one that is virtually no different from the others is indeed sad, especially for those who joined in 2012-13 hoping that it would have a transformative role in Indian politics, it is time to face a disconcerting reality. In varying degrees, virtually every party is personality-centric with a low quotient of inner-party democracy. Almost every move and action, from visiting temples, remaining silent on attacks on religious minorities, or pursuing populist economic schemes despite knowing that the distribution of dole will not tackle the roots of inequity, Indian politics is dictated by pragmaticism, or what is perceived as the necessities of realpolitik, where moral or ideological considerations have little value.
Atishi’s appointment as Delhi’s CM has to be seen from this perspective and not from past expectations when she was appointed in 2015 as an adviser to then education minister Manish Sisodia. Quite clearly, Mr Kejriwal realised that after having secured bail, he had to break the administrative impasse where the government had become virtually dysfunctional in the CM’s absence and due to lieutenant-governor V.K. Saxena’s consistent intransigence. The apex court order did not permit Mr Kejriwal to return to office. Not having a “working” CM would have been disastrous in the run-up to the Assembly elections. But it was typical of his working style that Mr Kejriwal did not discuss the issue with party legislators formally, such as Atishi’s election. Given that he steadfastly refused to resign after arrest by the Enforcement Directorate in March 2024, it was expected that remaining CM, even if lame duck, was important for him. But others ideas brewed in his head. His announcement about resigning surprised most people, opponents as well as within his own party. By stating that he and former deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia would not occupy the chairs of power till the people of Delhi gave a stamp of honesty by re-electing the AAP, Mr Kejriwal conveyed to the people that he was eager for acquittal from the “janata ki adalat”, even as the judicial process remains tardy.
Mr Kejriwal possibly is of the view that the case against him will eventually conclude with his acquittal, although it would be a long-drawn process. He is aiming to utilise this time to ramp up his political presence nationally. Clearly, he is preparing for the times ahead when several unforeseen developments are likely given the Central government’s fragility and changing fortunes of the BJP and Mr Modi. Due to these possibilities, it is imperative for Mr Kejriwal to win in Delhi again. For this, it would be best if he was free from all encumbrances because, in any case, he would have been powerless as CM.